The current structure of the United Nations Security Council largely reflects the geopolitical realities that emerged from the Second World War in 1945. Its five permanent members; China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States, possess veto powers, while ten non-permanent members are elected for two-year terms. More than eight decades later, Africa, despite comprising 54 UN member states and representing a substantial proportion of the world’s population, remains without permanent representation on the Council. Africa’s demand for reform is therefore grounded in a legitimate question of historical justice and equitable global representation. At the creation of the United Nations, most African countries remained under colonial rule and consequently had little influence over the international institutional architecture established at the time. Over the decades, Africa has consistently sought reform of the Security Council.
This position was consolidated through the 1997 Harare Declaration, the 2005 Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. The Common African Position demands at least two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats for Africa on an expanded Security Council. Although Africa supports the eventual abolition of the veto, its position remains that, for as long as the veto exists, new African permanent members should enjoy the same privileges as the existing permanent members. International recognition of Africa’s under-representation has grown.
The UN’s 2024 Pact for the Future explicitly identified the need to redress the historical injustice against Africa as a priority in Security Council reform. Nevertheless, achieving permanent representation remains difficult because amendment of the UN Charter requires not only a two-thirds majority of UN members but also ratification by all five existing permanent members. Africa must therefore pursue two complementary objectives. First, it should continue its diplomatic campaign for equitable representation. Permanent membership is not legally determined by economic development, technological advancement or scientific achievement. Africa’s claim should consequently not be presented as something that must be earned by matching the industrial or technological achievements of the P5. Second, however, Africa must recognise that international influence is considerably strengthened by economic, technological, scientific and institutional power.
The United States, China, the United Kingdom, France and Russia have, in different historical periods, combined diplomatic and military influence with significant achievements in industrialisation, science, technology, manufacturing and innovation. Africa must therefore regard the campaign for Security Council reform as part of a much broader struggle for continental transformation. The continent possesses considerable comparative advantages, including a youthful population, vast agricultural potential and substantial reserves of minerals critical to the emerging global economy.
Yet Africa continues to export much of its mineral and agricultural wealth in relatively unprocessed forms while importing higher-value manufactured products. This economic model must change. Rather than merely exporting lithium, cobalt, copper, iron ore and other strategic minerals, African countries should increasingly develop the capacity to process, refine, manufacture and commercialize finished products within Africa. Similarly, agriculture should evolve from predominantly primary production into a technology-driven agro-industrial sector incorporating biotechnology, artificial intelligence, irrigation, precision agriculture, food processing, agricultural machinery and sophisticated regional and global value chains.
The emerging Artificial Intelligence revolution presents another historic opportunity. Africa should avoid repeating the experience of previous technological revolutions in which it participated primarily as a consumer. Investment in electricity, education, research institutions, digital infrastructure, computing capacity, engineering and scientific development must therefore become strategic continental priorities. African unity will also be critical. Competition among major African states over which countries should eventually occupy permanent seats must not undermine the Common African Position before reform is achieved.
The African Union must retain the central responsibility for determining Africa’s representation. Ultimately, securing permanent Security Council seats should not be regarded as the final measure of Africa’s advancement. A veto cannot substitute for industrialization, scientific achievement, reliable infrastructure, strong institutions or economic competitiveness. Africa should therefore pursue representation and transformation simultaneously. The continent should continue demanding reform because equitable representation in the world’s principal security institution is justified. At the same time, African countries must accelerate industrialisation, technological innovation, agricultural modernisation, mineral beneficiation, education, research and institutional development. The strategic objective should be to build an Africa whose demographic, economic, scientific, technological and geopolitical importance makes its meaningful participation in global decision-making increasingly indispensable. Central Proposition Africa should demand its rightful place at the United Nations Security Council on the basis of equitable representation and historical justice, while simultaneously building the economic, technological, scientific and institutional strength that makes its global influence impossible to ignore. The ultimate objective should therefore move beyond asking the international community: “Why is Africa still excluded?” Africa should build towards a position from which the more compelling question becomes
Engr. Ali Bukar Fatoma wrote from Abuja via alibukarnorth@gmail.com
