With the stroke of a pen, former Republican (now Independent) Rep. Kevin Kiley of California has potentially set in motion a welcome and overdue chain of events to punish Russia and help Ukraine.
Russia’s entry into the Middle East war as a belligerent on the side of Iran, along with its brutal air assault on Ukraine after the recent temporary cease-fire, should be all the evidence Congress needs to override President Trump’s objections to aiding Ukraine in its five-year fight against illegal Russian aggression and ongoing war crimes, including the abduction of innocent Ukrainian children.
Here is what his signature on Rep. Gregory Meeks’s (D-N.Y.) discharge petition — an expedited procedure to force floor votes on bills that a majority of House members support — has unleashed.
First, the immediate impact is to allow a House floor vote on Meeks’s Ukraine Support Act, which among other things imposes tougher sanctions on Russia, authorizes up to $8 billion in Foreign Military Financing loans for Ukraine, and reaffirms U.S. support for both Ukraine and NATO. This vote will reassert bipartisan congressional support for Ukraine.
Second, and maybe more importantly, it encourages future votes on other pending legislation that could have an even bigger impact to punish Russia and help Ukraine at no cost to U.S. taxpayers.
Case in point, Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), a co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, signaled last year that he would file his own discharge petition for his legislation, the Peace through Strength against Russia Act, which contains an enhanced, targeted set of Russian sanctions. Unlike Meeks’ efforts, his approach also allows for his legislation to be amended before any final House floor vote, assuming he secures the magic number of 218 signatures on a discharge petition as Meeks did. This difference also opens up new opportunities to consider, strengthening Ukraine at Russia’s expense.
For example, under Fitzpatrick’s approach, the Preventing the Escalation of Armed Conflict in Europe (PEACE) Act, which passed the House Financial Services Committee last July under the leadership of Chairman French Hill (R-Ark.) by an overwhelming vote of 53-1, could be a significant addition to broaden support for more legislation supporting Ukraine. It accelerates the process for seizing and transferring frozen Russian sovereign assets within U.S. jurisdiction to Ukraine and, for the first time, also allows Ukraine to purchase “defense articles” with this money. (This legislation should have passed by now, but House Republican leadership has failed to schedule it for a vote.)
The PEACE Act is significant because in the absence of any official figures as authorized by current law, credible estimates of the total amount of immobilized Russian funds in the United States range from $19 billion to over $50 billion of an estimated $300 billion worldwide. Think of how much that amount (either spent directly or used as collateral for loans made by U.S. banks) would weaken Russia financially and help Ukraine if Ukraine could buy U.S. weapons and other war materiel.
Especially now that Russia is a belligerent against the U.S. in the Middle East war, shouldn’t Congress go one step further than the PEACE Act? This could be done with a simple amendment to eliminate the president’s current discretion to seize Russian funds and mandate that the president shall seize and transfer those funds to Ukraine. In exchange, the amendment could further require Ukraine to purchase U.S.-made defense articles (such as Ukrainian-designed drones) and services to fight continuing Russian aggression from an enhanced position of strength.
There are other pending bills that also could be added to Fitzpatrick’s legislation to broaden the voting appeal. For example, former Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Mike McCaul’s (R-Texas) Decreasing Russian Oil Profits Act would do just what the bill’s title suggests and is a natural amendment. So is his resolution condemning indicted war criminal Vladimir Putin’s abduction and militarization of Ukrainian children and demanding their return before any final peace settlement.
All of this can be wrapped into a comprehensive legislative package that should attract a veto-proof majority in both chambers of Congress to punish Russia and simultaneously help Ukraine — again, all at no cost to U.S. taxpayers.
Based on what Russia is doing to help Iran behind the scenes and its relentless attacks on Ukraine and its innocent civilians, the question is not whether the U.S. should impose tough, comprehensive sanctions on Russia, but when? How about now?
Thanks to one courageous signature, Congress has a unique opportunity to send a strong signal to our adversaries as well as our allies around the world. It should pass Meeks’ bill and then take the next logical step to finally make Russia pay for its illegal war in Europe and its complicity in helping Iran attack our vital interests in the Middle East.
Gregory P. Wilson is a former deputy assistant secretary of the U.S. Department of the Treasury (1986-1989).
